Working with Violence against Women (VAW)

This post examines patriarchy as a system that grants authority to one gender over the other and demonstrates how the excessive exercise of that power encourages violence against women. It looks at several theories of violence and discusses VAW intervention strategies.

Content

Introduction
The situation of Violence against Women in India
Theoretical models of gender-based violence

Sociological theories
Social/psychological theories
Psychological theories
Ecological framework

Impact of violence on women

Physical health
Mental health

Working with survivors
Summary

Introduction

2015 saw a total of 3,27,394 cases of crime against women reported in the nation (both under various IPC and SLL provisions) (NCRB, 2015). The majority of crimes against women occur in Delhi. The capital's crime rate was 184.3 per 1 lakh female population, or 17,104 cases. With 23,258 instances, Assam ranks second with a rate of 148.2. Among the crimes committed against women are dowry killings, honour killings, murders committed in connection with witchcraft, infanticide and female foeticide, rape, domestic violence, crime, and acid throwing. Crime rates indicate the level of violence experienced by women, but they do not adequately describe the breadth of that violence. Even when a "crime" is not committed against a woman, she may nevertheless experience violence since violence against women is a much larger notion.

The declaration on the Elimination of All Forms of Violence against Women adopted by the UN General Assembly in 1993 defined violence against women as

“any act of gender based violence that results in or is likely to result in physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether occurring in public or private life.”

Discourses on gender justice, human rights, health and wellbeing, intimate partner violence, abused women, gendered violence, sexual assault, woman abuse, wife abuse, rape, aggravated rape, marital rape, date rape, and other topics often include references to violence against women. It is a long-standing, widespread, and predominant practice to subjugate women to men, especially in married life. Despite this, it is clear that this occurrence is covered up, accepted as something that only happens to women, and given social and cultural approval in the majority of patriarchal civilizations. Violence is an urgent reality for women everywhere, even in India, overriding socio-demographic disparities in cultural background, class, education, work, and other factors. According to feminist conceptions of violence, dominance and power are the key concepts used to describe violence against women. According to this definition, violence is any unlawful activity that causes victims to experience dread, misery, harm, illness, or even death.

Violence was once thought to be aberrant and the result of social or psychological disease. The perception of violence, however, shifted after 1970, when it was thought that familial violence—physical abuse among relatives—was a typical aspect of family life in most nations. According to Gelles and Straus (1988), the word "normal" has at least three definitions: statistically common, accepted by culture, and accepted by the adjective's user. Violence is a byproduct of the unequal power structures that exist in society and keeps them in place. It illustrates the dominance that men have over women in society at large and, consequently, in their intimate relationships.

In India, discussions on violence against women first became well known in the 1970s, when there were numerous accounts of brides being burned in allegedly household mishaps. The so-called "dowry deaths" phenomenon entered the public conversation after the women's movement looked into these allegedly accidental deaths. This led to a concentrated effort to address the problem of domestic abuse against women. The Dowry Prohibition Act of 1961 made dowry illegal, yet it has persisted in various forms ever since. In addition to defining violence, this module includes data, theories concerning gender-based violence, the impact of violence, and interventions related to the idea of violence against women. The reasons, research, and interventions for violence against women are varied. The purpose of this blog is merely to introduce the idea.

The situation of Violence against Women in India

According to studies that are currently accessible, Indian women experience physical abuse at rates between 22% and 60%. (Rao, 1997). Domestic violence prevalence and its correlates have been accurately estimated by the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) and the International Clinical Epidemiologists Network (INCLEN) (INCLEN, 2000). 10,000 households from seven sites in India, including rural, urban slum, and urban non-slum areas, were used in the study. Respondents were females between the ages of 15 and 49 who had at least one resident kid who was under 18 years old.

The results suggest that 43.5 percent of the women reported at least one psychologically abusive behavior and 40.3 percent reported experiencing at least one form of violent physical behavior. (INCLEN, 2000).

According to the third National Family Health Survey (NFHS-3 2005-2006), 30.4% of married women in India between the ages of 15 and 49 have been victims of physical, sexual, or emotional abuse at home. One in ten people have been sexually assaulted. Nearly two out of every five married women report that their husbands have physically or sexually abused them. Seven percent of them sustain serious wounds. The amount of internalisation of gender-based socialisation was also revealed by NFHS data. In the survey, female respondents were asked whether it was ever acceptable for a husband to strike or batter his wife. According to the most commonly accepted logic, 41% of women believed that a beating was appropriate if the wife "shows disrespect for her in-laws." Second, 35% of women concurred that they had neglected the home and/or their children. Other widely known scenarios include a wife fighting with the spouse or making poor meals. For at least one of the reasons, more than half of all women surveyed justified domestic abuse (NFHS-3 2005-2006: 474-9).

This internalisation also explains why female violence is not reported as soon as it occurs. According to a Special Cell for Women and Children study, the majority of women only sought outside assistance when they had been subjected to years of violence and/or when they were in danger of losing their immediate means of subsistence, such as their homes, their jobs, their children's lives, or their custody.

It is crucial to make an effort to comprehend why violence against women occurs. What are the causes? What are the reasons why women put up with violence for such a long time? The various beliefs regarding violence against women are briefly addressed in the following portion of this subject.

Theoretical models of gender-based violence

Theories of gender-based violence can be classified on the basis of theoretical level of analysis

Sociological theories
Social/psychological theories
Psychological theories
Ecological framework

Sociological theories

Sociocultural view

This explains female violence as a response to factors such as frustration, poverty, unemployment, unsatisfactory working conditions and poor parental modeling. The overall assumption is that pressing demands made on families cause stress in men and they, in turn Sociological theories Sociocultural view Social learning theory Conflict theory Resource theory Patriarchy theory Psychological theories Interpersonal view Ecological framework Combination of Personal, situational and socio-cultural factors Social/psychological theories Frustrationaggression theory oppress women by being violent. In support of this theory, Koeing et al., (2006) found that economic pressure, lack of assets, low education, and family violence history were all determinants of domestic violence in Uttar Pradesh. The study also found that community norms that tolerated violence against women were strongly correlated with higher rates of abuse

( Koeing et al., 2006:135).

Social learning theory of violence

According to the thesis, human aggressiveness and violence are directly learned by the actions of others. According to this theory, there are some circumstances where people have a propensity to react violently due to prior experience and reinforcement. People are taught that using violence against others is acceptable and even encouraged.

Patriarchy theory

Dobash and Dobash created the theory (1979). Violence against women has been institutionalised throughout history. This systemic abuse against wives is caused by patriarchy since it assigns women subservient roles. But it only explains one aspect of violence against women. The patriarchy, which is frequently cited as a contributing factor in violence against women, is a societal structure in which men are prioritised over women. This demonstrates the cultural preference for sons over daughters. Even the right to be born is denied to women and girls due to the injustice they experience. Female foeticide was discussed at the World Health Assembly in 1996 as a “extreme manifestation of violence against women” (Sarna 2003). Sex ratios are falling, which suggests that infanticide and female foeticide are on the rise. Statistics from the United Nations Population Fund (UNFPA) and the International Center for Research on Women (ICRW) demonstrate the discrimination that contemporary Indian women face as a result of the prevalence of sex-selective abortions.

Conflict theory

This theory asserts that violence is often believed to be a goal-directed, problem-solving strategy, and that it is believed to bring about some necessary social change . Conflict is more likely to arise during the decision-making process, especially if hierarchical power is not followed. Age and sex are the two criteria used in families to determine hierarchy. The dominant pattern is shifted with the development of feminism. The use of violence, therefore, becomes an attempt to restore the previous order.

Resource theory

According to this view, all social structures depend on using force or posing threats. According to Goode (1971), a person is less inclined to use force if they have more resources. According to Gelles (1993), families with less financial resources are more likely to experience violence. It has drawn criticism for failing to consider that women should be more violent because they have less access to resources than men. Although the perpetrator may have some resources to start with, this hypothesis explains violence by those having greater resources than their victims.

The result that would be supported by a gendered resource theory is "the vast majority of these reasons [for husbands beating their wives] involve discrepancies between role expectations and actual behaviour" (Verma & Collumbien, 2003: 61).

As different parts of India have distinct expectations on gender roles, the situation becomes more problematic. In Kerala, a more developed state, a woman's control over money (i.e., property) might not pose a danger to gender standards, but making more money than her husband might be. Contrarily, in rural Karnataka, women have not historically been in charge of their finances or their income, thus a change in this could pose a danger to the husband's sense of power in the marriage. However, a woman's employment is often more acceptable in Mumbai, where it has less of an impact on the occurrence of domestic violence. Thus, by examining variations in expected behaviours in the husband-wife dyad, in the local community, and in the larger area, a gendered resource theory can be utilised to interpret some of the diverse results across India.

Social exchange theory

It focuses on a system of positive reinforcement and deterrents in interpersonal interactions. The exchange hypothesis is concerned with power, namely who has it and who doesn't. The abuser has the ability to take advantage, whereas the victim lacks the strength to resist the abuser's advances or the resources to provide a different trade. This idea also explains why victims are reluctant to report abuse because they worry that doing so may make their circumstances worse.

Family systems theory

Straus (1973) created this theory to explain intra-family violence. He explains domestic violence by considering the family as an adaptable, purpose-driven social institution. Violence is considered to be a systemic byproduct. He stated that "positive feed-back" in a system can increase or maintain the level of violence while "negative feed-back" can do the opposite. The approach overemphasises social processes while ignoring the unique personality of each person.

Feminist view

From this vantage point, gender-based violence is examined in the context of male-female relationships. They contend that patriarchy, which is upheld by tradition, the law, and force, is what causes violence against women. They do not view the tormentors as psychopaths but rather as regular men who engage in illegal activity.

Feminists contend that although while the weaker members of the family are the targets of all types of family violence (such as child abuse and abuse of the elderly), lumping women-specific violence in with other types of violence may draw attention away from women as a whole. They distinguish between several types of violence against women. The following are the main arguments made in this context:

Customs sanction physical abuse of women
Women are overwhelmingly the target of attack and
Domestic work and child care make women economically dependent on men making them vulnerable to violent attacks

Social/psychological theories

Frustration-aggression theory

The theory, which first emerged in 1939 from Dollard et al., describes how dissatisfaction and violence are related. Margret Elbow (1977) provided the following premises and connected her theory to the abuse phenomena.

Human being and the family are systems which attempt to maintain equilibrium , or a state of homeostasis , and develop coping mechanisms to maintain the homeostasis
Threats to homeostasis may be external or internal or both
If usual coping mechanisms fail and tension is not relived, it becomes progressively more difficult to maintain a sense of well being and control. As the individual finds it more difficult to control or discharge aggressive feelings , he is likely to experience ego rupture and become violent
Violence arises from a sense of helplessness or powerlessness

Attachment theory

In order to explain the causes and effects of physical abuse, this theory has been applied. Egeland and his associates (1988) made the case that the abusers' attachment issues have a significant impact on physical abuse. According to this notion, children who grow up in abusive households run the danger of exhibiting abuse as adults. This is so that adult anxiety will be managed using the same strategies that children employ. These people are unable to build strong bonds and resort to violence as a method of rejection.

Psychological theories

Interpersonal view

According to proponents of the interpersonal perspective, interactions between abusers and victims and their psychological disorders are the root cause of domestic violence. Husbands who beat their wives are, according to Kaplan & Sadock (1991), immature, dependent, mentally neurotic and disturbed, and filled with a deep sense of inadequacy. Such guys are thought to become violent when matched with emotional, masochistic, and immature women. According to Wlogietzel and Ross (1983), battered women follow traditional sex roles and accept the respect and supremacy of men. The interpersonal perspective justifies the abuse and places the blame on the victim by attributing the cause of violence to marriage incompatibility.

Cycle theory of violence

The cycle theory of violence, which outlines some of the behavioural reinforcements the battered woman receives that keep her in the relationship, was discussed by Leonore Walker in her book "Battered Woman" (1979). The idea, which has its foundation in a tension-reduction hypothesis, outlines three stages in a battering relationship. A woman could try to prevent the abuse during the phase of tension-building by making an effort to please. The battering incident happens during the explosion phase, and the batterer controls when it ends. The third stage is called contrition, during which the batterer shows love and remorse. The affectional benefits that women look for in marriage come from this stage. The woman wishes that this phase would continue and that other stages wouldn't appear. She eventually "becomes an accomplice to her own battering" as a result of persistently pursuing the third phase, according to Walker. A phase of no tension, devoid of overt displays of affection or contrition may eventually replace the contrition phase as it gets shorter and shorter.

Ecological framework

The ecological approach to abuse views violence as a complex phenomenon built on the interaction of social, environmental, and personal elements. This can be appreciated by taking a look at the four-level analysis model presented by Belsky, which is best represented by four concentric circles. The aspects from the person's personal past that influence their conduct and interpersonal interactions are represented by the innermost circle.

The next circle, or microsystem, depicts the immediate setting where abuse frequently occurs, such as a family or other close interactions.

The third level, the exosystem, includes the official and informal institutions and social structures that the microsystem is embedded in, including the workplace, neighbourhood, social networks, and identity groups. And finally, the macrosystem is a representation of the prevalent cultural viewpoints and attitudes. The importance of the mesosystem is also emphasised in addition to this.

Links between a person's family and other areas of activity, such as employment, a network of peers or extended family, and societal organisations like the police, courts, and social services are included in this. Gender-based violence may be made worse by macro system level norms that are ingrained in culture in all nations and communities, including India. One of these cultural norms that may enhance the possibility of violence against women is the traditional rigidity of gender roles. Hackett (2011:285) used criminal data, current studies, and an integrated theoretical framework, the ecological map, to assess the information already available on domestic violence in India. At both the societal and personal levels, he claimed that the ecological model better captured the impact of structural and gender inequities.

Factors Related To Violence against Women at Different Levels of the Social Ecology

Personal history

Witnessing marital violence as a child
Being abused oneself as a child
Absent or rejecting father

Microsystem

Male dominance in the family
Male control of wealth in the family
Use of alcohol o Marital/verbal conflict

Exosystem

Low socio-economic status/unemployment
Isolation of woman and family
Delinquent peer associations

Macrosystem

Male entitlement/ownership of women
Masculinity linked to aggression and dominance
Rigid gender choices
Acceptance of interpersonal violence
Acceptance of physical chastisement

Impact of violence on women

Physical health

It has been established that beating is a substantial risk factor for a number of physical health issues. Chronic headaches, unexplained hearing, vision, and attention issues have all been described by women who experience ongoing violence; these symptoms also raise the possibility of brain injury-related issues. Chronic irritable bowel syndrome and other stress-related diseases have also been linked to intimate partner violence in terms of symptoms and disorders. Between 40% and 45% of women report being coerced into having sex by their male partners. This forced intercourse causes more pelvic inflammatory disease, vaginal and anal tearing, bladder infections, sexual dysfunction, pelvic pain, and other genitourinary health issues. It also increases the risk of STDs, including HIV/AIDS. The usage of contraceptives under the male partner's control and forced intercourse are further factors that battered women associate to unwanted pregnancies.

Mental health

Regardless of ethnicity all women experiencing intimate partner violence are at a risk of mental health problems. These women are likely more likely to face depression (Golding 1993), anxiety (Jaffe, Wolfe, Wilson & Zak, 1986), posttraumatic stress disorder (Cascardi, O’Leary & Schelle 1999, Walker 1979), and low self esteem (Agluliar & Nightingale 1994).

Many mental health academics and practitioners use a traumatic response paradigm to conceptualise the psychological repercussions of domestic violence. Trauma happens "when a person is exposed to traumatic circumstances that are so overpowering that they leave them feeling helpless in the face of intolerable danger." Women who experience violence may feel frightened and powerless, which frequently deters them from confronting the abuser.

Working with survivors

Initially much of the violence against women (especially domestic violence) was considered a ‘personal’ issue. It is mostly through the efforts of the Woman’s movement in India that there was a realization that violence is a political issue. There are several legal and social measures that have been undertaken to prevent and reduce violence against women. Government and nongovenmental organizations offer preventive and supportive services. Services that exist include mahila lok adalats, counselling cells, shelter homes, family intervention (Mitra, 1999). Organizations have also sought to empower women through education, legal awareness, asset creation, mobilization of women’s group

(Kashyap & Panchal, 2014).

One of the programs that has been effective has been Special Cell for Women and Children. This was started as a strategic joint venture between Mumbai Police and TISS to provide professional support and services to women and children facing violence. This venture was started because of the understanding that violence is a structural issue and therefore needs to be addressed through structural interventions. It works from within a police station and offers socio-legal services to women. It intervenes at the micro and macro level. The success of this work has ensured that special cells have become a program of the Home Department and special cells have been set up in several other states

(Kashyap & Panchal, 2014)

Summary

This blog post starts by defining and describing the types of violence against women before looking at its causes. Through numerous studies carried out by governmental and non-governmental organisations, it describes the state of violence against women in India. It briefly discusses some of the theories that have been put forth in an effort to identify the root causes of violence against women. It highlights the necessity of viewing violence against women as a structural problem rather than a personal one.

Reference

International Centre for Research on Women. (2002). Domestic Violence in India : Exploring Strategies, promoting dialogue. Washington, D.C: International Centre for Research on Women.
International Clinical Epidemiologists Network. (2000). Domestic Violence in India 3: A summary report of a multi -site household survey. Washington D.C: International Centre for Research on Women and the Centre for Development and Population Activities.
Chapman, J. Violence against Women in Democratic India: Let's Talk Misogyny. Social Sciences , 42 (9/10), 49-61.
Dave, A. Strategic Alliance, a Way Forward for Violence against Women: A case for the Special Cells, India. Violence Against Women , 19 (10), 1203-1223.
Dave, A., & Solanki, G. (1999). Special Cell for Women and Children: A Research Study on Domestic Violence. Mumbai.